Abstract
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ...
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In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari
Abstract
Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ...
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Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.
Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi
Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020
Abstract
< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ...
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< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful aristocracy alongside a strong government seeking to concentrate more power makes this society a prominent example of Eisen''s bureaucratic empires. In this case, some concepts related to public law can be argued that they cannot be formed in the two former types. Examples include early national identities and, consequently, the independence of the state''s legal personality from the real ruler, which has significant effects on political traditions such as succession traditions and power relations between the king, the nobility, the people and the bureaucracy. It seems that in the Sasanian political-legal structure, it is impossible to deal with power and political-legal structures such as that of ruler. At the same time, the dual nature of the bureaucratic empires as both traditional and modern system and a dynamic point of view (as opposed to a static one) can well justify the inconsistencies in the Sasanian government and the inconsistent historical evidence.
Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani
Abstract
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ...
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Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems to be necessary to introduce a new category of basic laws that are more consistent with modern constitutional rights and constitutionalism. Thus, all classical categories of constitutional laws are briefly introduced and criticized, and then a new categorization of basic laws to the liberal constitution and republican constitution is proposed and explained. As a result of this division, the state can be liberal or republican, but in the present time, both types of modern states must be constitutional. Of course, the republican holds this supremacy over the liberal state, which governs the protection of public freedoms. This essay is based on a fundamental assumption: the emphasis on the constitutional positivist concept. Since, the classical classifications are based on the inductive method; accordingly, the same method has been used to criticize and propose the alternative.
Somaye Hamidi; Hashem Ghaderi
Abstract
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, ...
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Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.
Politics and International Relations
Hamid Hakim; Emad Helalat
Abstract
Soft power is a tool that different countries use in the field of international relations according to their ability to influence the members of a society. In accordance with the regionalistic sight in its foreign policy, the Chinese government employs soft power in the target countries to influence ...
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Soft power is a tool that different countries use in the field of international relations according to their ability to influence the members of a society. In accordance with the regionalistic sight in its foreign policy, the Chinese government employs soft power in the target countries to influence as much as possible using different tools. The Central Asian region has had cultural, social and economic relations with China for a long time. The presence of different ethnic groups in the Central Asian region is a proper capacity and opportunity for China to expand its influence in Central Asia considering the behavioral background, consumerism, and lack of identity that exist in the region. The Chinese government has employed different tools to develop its soft power in this region, of which the main strategy is the New Silk Road, also known as the One Belt One Road, that they have spent a lot of money on it. Nevertheless, the Chinese government faces major challenges. Now the main question is to realize how the Chinese government use soft power as a tool for its expansionism in Central Asia. This paper argues that the Chinese government influences the countries of the Central Asian region by using its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic aspects, within which, of course, it faces challenges that has a negative effect on its soft power.Soft power is a tool that different countries use in the field of international relations according to their ability to influence the members of a society. In accordance with the regionalistic sight in its foreign policy, the Chinese government employs soft power in the target countries to influence as much as possible using different tools. The Central Asian region has had cultural, social and economic relations with China for a long time. The presence of different ethnic groups in the Central Asian region is a proper capacity and opportunity for China to expand its influence in Central Asia considering the behavioral background, consumerism, and lack of identity that exist in the region. The Chinese government has employed different tools to develop its soft power in this region, of which the main strategy is the New Silk Road, also known as the One Belt One Road, that they have spent a lot of money on it. Nevertheless, the Chinese government faces major challenges. Now the main question is to realize how the Chinese government use soft power as a tool for its expansionism in Central Asia. This paper argues that the Chinese government influences the countries of the Central Asian region by using its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic aspects, within which, of course, it faces challenges that has a negative effect on its soft power.Soft power is a tool that different countries use in the field of international relations according to their ability to influence the members of a society. In accordance with the regionalistic sight in its foreign policy, the Chinese government employs soft power in the target countries to influence as much as possible using different tools. The Central Asian region has had cultural, social and economic relations with China for a long time. The presence of different ethnic groups in the Central Asian region is a proper capacity and opportunity for China to expand its influence in Central Asia considering the behavioral background, consumerism, and lack of identity that exist in the region. The Chinese government has employed different tools to develop its soft power in this region, of which the main strategy is the New Silk Road, also known as the One Belt One Road, that they have spent a lot of money on it. Nevertheless, the Chinese government faces major challenges. Now the main question is to realize how the Chinese government use soft power as a tool for its expansionism in Central Asia. This paper argues that the Chinese government influences the countries of the Central Asian region by using its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic aspects, within which, of course, it faces challenges that has a negative effect on its soft power.Soft power is a tool that different countries use in the field of international relations according to their ability to influence the members of a society. In accordance with the regionalistic sight in its foreign policy, the Chinese government employs soft power in the target countries to influence as much as possible using different tools. The Central Asian region has had cultural, social and economic relations with China for a long time. The presence of different ethnic groups in the Central Asian region is a proper capacity and opportunity for China to expand its influence in Central Asia considering the behavioral background, consumerism, and lack of identity that exist in the region. The Chinese government has employed different tools to develop its soft power in this region, of which the main strategy is the New Silk Road, also known as the One Belt One Road, that they have spent a lot of money on it. Nevertheless, the Chinese government faces major challenges. Now the main question is to realize how the Chinese government use soft power as a tool for its expansionism in Central Asia. This paper argues that the Chinese government influences the countries of the Central Asian region by using its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic aspects, within which, of course, it faces challenges that has a negative effect on its soft power.
